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This rhetoric is buttressed by our common experience with particular kinds of market experiences—in everyday life, we constantly make rational market assessments, weighing value against price and convenience. Pricing seems generally to follow quality, and so the general impression that lack of success in the market reflects lack of me- rit pervades.
Market logic suggests that those earning less deserve less, or else why would they accept lower pay? Classical economic theory supports the claim that employers could not be either race-conscious or malicious without being punished by the market. If they decline to hire qualified employees for irrational reasons, rational competi- tors will take advantage of their mistakes. With this as the background narra- tive, it is no surprise that objections to affirmative action are framed as being unfair attempts to reward low quality.
Thus merit provides the narrative frame- work to dismiss racism. Yet racial disparities abound. The distasteful inference that non-Whites are inferior is avoided through careful references to culture and education, and optimistic predictions about the future attainment of equality.
In time, and with hard work, the story goes, equality of opportunity will correct current inequali- ties. Left unsaid is the inference that if time does not bring equality, inherent racial difference will have been proven.
XIII B. What common examples and expe- riences can help us to perceive inequality in a different light? It turns out that in economics and business management and computer science and even biology, observers of complexity are coming to understand how dominant systems can prevail without superior merit, can maintain their position without any con- scious guidance or intent, and can be organized without any collusion or direc- tion.
The natural and reasonable behavior of individuals can lead to overwhel- mingly dominant collective action. Markets, organisms, and ecologies coordinate themselves efficiently and organically, with surprising resilience and adaptability.
This Essay explores how these complex, self-organizing systems work, and makes the tentative claim that they are appropriate analogies for the suc- cess of Whiteness, and that they more accurately reflect how racial inequality is reproduced. By carefully drawing out the comparison to these systems in clear language, this Essay reimagines Whiteness using familiar images from perhaps unorthodox sources.
The Essay starts in Part II with the example of network economics, showing how some of the feedback effects that support self- organization are found in standard economic theory as well. This section also describes how complex patterns result from very simple mathematical rules in cellular automata, and how economist Thomas Schelling showed that racial segregation can be seen to proceed from a very similar process.
Section C explores the world of ant trails and swarm intelligence and examines how some of the principles of self-organization are displayed in human behavior through psychological processes known as information, reputation, and availa- bility cascades. These cascades can produce racial polarization through a process very similar to the construction of ant trails.
Part IV briefly reviews some recently-developed concepts in the scholar- ship of racial inequality and traces how self-organization helps to bring them into focus. Finally, Part V acknowledges the possibility that a focus on the im- portance of self-organization and automatic processes in the reproduction of racial inequality could lead to an inference that racial inequality is in a sense natural or inevitable. Part V concludes with some thoughts on how unfettered natural processes can also be destructive and how there are natural limits to the operation of these processes.
The key insight of network economics is that products that generate their value from interconnectivity or communication gravitate strongly toward a single network standard. Small, contingent events can have feedback effects that determine market shifts to- wards a particular standard. For example, the value of a telephone increases rather than decreases with each additional unit sold. The intrinsic merit of any particular communications device pales beside the importance of being able to connect to the telephone system.
Owning a phone is indispensable because of all the other phones with which one can communicate. Two corollary characteristics of network markets that are significant in the racial context relate to merit and malice. First, because of the strength of the feedback effects, the historical establishment of dominant standards, and the stickiness of such standards, present intrinsic merit has relatively little imme- diate impact on market choices.
No matter how intrinsically fantastic a newly invented communications device might be, if it will not connect to the tele- phone network, it will have difficulty breaking into the market. Telephone con- nectivity is a network standard. A single company that controlled the standard would wield monopoly power. The processes that allow its dominance to persist are largely a function of ordinary market decisions by cus- tomers.
I have argued that Whiteness functions as a dominant network standard. I have previously written about the application of network economic models to race re- lations, and I offer a brief synopsis here. See Brant T. XIII teract and communicate with others. Because there is no technological barrier to communication across racial lines, the network effects are not direct. None- theless, I argue that differences in language, dialect, culture, and appearance— the meaning ascribed to racial phenotypes—result in feedback effects that al- low Whiteness to persist as the de facto standard for employees.
One obvious problem with the network economics analogy is that in busi- ness environments there is often a particular company, and even a particular corporate executive, with a clear intent to establish and maintain a particular standard.
Micro- soft can be credited not only with good fortune, but with Bill Gates having made decisions that helped to put Windows in the dominant position that it en- joys. There is, of course, no Bill Gates of Whiteness working to maintain its dominant position, and if there is, most well-meaning White Americans have received no instructions from him.
On the one hand, this objection overlooks the point that much of the net- work drive toward a dominant standard results from somewhat automatic processes.
Still, an analogy to corporate behavior is going to be inextricably bound to market theory. That the current era reflects a widespread commitment to a kind of market ideology is a thesis that is beyond the scope of this paper, but it suf- fices to say that the general intuition that market success is related in some way to merit is going to be especially hard to disrupt in the context of actual com- mercial transactions.
Surely Bill Gates has been doing something important to merit his riches, we think. Hence the current Essay. What other images and metaphors are available that might help a general audience get past its intuition about markets with re- gard to race?
What complex systems exist where there is quite clearly no bril- liant executive making meritorious decisions? If you go walking in a forest on a sunny day, you might come across a bright orange blotch of goo on a damp spot on the forest floor, which you would want to be careful not to step in.
You might wonder what animal had disgorged its breakfast that morning. But if you had a stop-motion camera, you would see the blob move carefully across the ground, in search of decomposing organic matter to absorb.
You have met a slime mold. One morning there will be no slime mold in sight, and the next morning the entire creature appears, fully formed. It appears to be a plasmodic animal, ingesting nutrients by surrounding and absorbing them. And yet, when the conditions for slime mold formation dissipate, the creature disaggregates.
The single-celled slime mold microbes are readi- ly found, foraging as individual cells. How and why does the slime mold organize itself? For centuries, biolo- gists struggled to understand the process. Set aside for a moment the purpose or evolutionary cause of this behavior, and think about the mechanics. Thou- sands of individual starlings will form a cohesive shape in the air, moving with apparent purpose, discipline and speed, changing their collective direction smoothly and coherently.
Similarly, and without apparent coordination, huge schools of anchovies or sardines will maneuver through the ocean waters in concert, forming shapes so distinct that they are the subject of familiar cartoons—images of many fish forming the shape of one large fish.
The joke is typically that with a little coor- dination, the little fish could fight back and scare off the big fish,23 and the joke is based on the strong appearance of coordination—the collective seems to be behaving like one large organism. Finally, consider the path-making behavior of ants. They form orderly lines, as though constricted by rope lines at a Disney theme park. You may be aware that they are following the scent of chemical road stripes—pheromones laid down by the ants that pre- ceded them in line.
However, they are not merely following a random meander- ing path laid down by the first ant that happened upon your picnic. In short or- der, they are following a path that constitutes the shortest and most direct route between your cupcakes and the ant nest. They do not stop for directions. Certain army ants will not only form the standard ant trail, but will also form three-lane highways, with the center lane XIII of marauders heading home with the loot.
But this army has no general, no command center, and no intelligent discernment of any kind. If human beings could accomplish this kind of intricate and complicated coordination, myriad traffic congestion problems could be solved, and immense energy savings realized.
Instead, we rely on such crude instruments as stop- lights and air traffic controllers—one hub communicating directly with each individual traveler. Can the mold, fish, and ants teach us a better way to coor- dinate ourselves? How do these organisms, none of which we imagine has the capacity to calculate strategy, form a conspiracy, or invent an innovative busi- ness model, manage to accomplish all of this coordinated activity?
We could chalk it up to instinct, magic, or the wonder of creation, but scientists have tak- en a closer look at all of these behaviors and discerned the emergence of com- plexity and self-organization from simple rules. Slime Mold and the Emergence of Self-Organization It turns out, of course, that there are no alpha slime mold cells. Within a certain temperature range, water, for instance, just keeps get- ting warmer and warmer; but at some point it undergoes a phase shift and ex- plodes into vapor.
Of course, human beings have a tendency to anthropomorphize. We ob- serve phenomena in nature and are sorely tempted to ascribe not only agency and intent but emotions and other human characteristics: The wasp was angry; the frog frightened; the ant industrious.
One would think that ascribing purpose to a slime mold cell would challenge this tendency. But biologists kept looking for cells with a spark of leadership. That insight led quickly to what turned out to be the correct model—that slime mold cells organize themselves.
By emitting a chemical trail that attracts other slime mold cells, and themselves being attracted by the chemicals other cells emit, they create a positive feed- back loop that results in clusters of cells forming and joining together to create the larger amalgamations that are visible to the human eye.
Cellular Automata Math, of course, is in some sense perfectly abstract, and even less subject to ascription of intent or purpose than slime mold cells. Now consider the world of Stephen Wolfram,25 who is enamored of mathematical constructs called cel- lular automata.
One then determines the distribution of black and white cells in the second row by applying a simple rule. The form of the rule is that the color of each cell is determined entirely by the color of the three cells above it—the cell immediately above the target cell, and the cells to the immediate right and left of that upper cell.
There are only eight possible permutations of three cells, or eight possible inputs. So the rule would simply assign the outcomes—black or white—of these eight possible inputs. The same rule can then be applied to the new second row of cells to generate a third row of cells, and so forth.
One example of such a rule would be that regardless of which of the eight permutations applies, the target cell would be white. Here is an illustration of this rule: 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 The three squares at the top of each of these eight blocks represent all the possible permutations of three cells.
The square centered below each of these configurations represents the target cell, the cell generated by the rule. With this particular rule, you can see that the second row of cells—and every row af- ter that—will be entirely white, no matter what distribution of black and white cells you started with. Not only is this particular rule a simple one, but the entire structure of the way these rules are generated is simple. You might think of the rule described above as Rule 0 eight white cells—zero, in binary terms , each rule simply being the binary representation of a number between 0 and Many of the rules generate simple, predictable patterns like the one described above.
If you start with a single black cell in the middle of the first row, Rule generates a straight diagonal line of black cells trailing off to the left of the starter cell. This is the rule that would be represented in the foregoing scheme by six white cells, one black cell, and one more white cell, or —the number two, in binary. XIII These are simple rules and simple outcomes, as one would expect, but look what happens with Rule This is perhaps unexpected, but not necessarily startling.
There is a stable pattern of triangular shapes, iterated in a complex, but regular fractal pattern— each small pyramid replicates the design of the next larger pyramid. This rule would be represented by , or the number 18 in binary. Fractal patterns bear resemblance to chaos theory. How do you feel about the number 30? While there are regularities to observe, there is no overall regular pattern. Even after a mil- lion steps, Wolfram reports that the pattern remains random in many respects.
XIII As you can see, Rule —still a simple generation of binary outputs from eight possible permutations—produces a stable background pattern, but with feathery trails and tracks that wander unpredictably across the binary land- scape for thousands of steps.
The parame- ters need not be binary one could assign three or even an infinite spectrum of colors , the range of inputs need not be limited to three, and the generative structure need not be a one dimensional line of cells. The insight is that the simplest of rules can produce complex and unpredictable results, as well as complex stable structures. Thomas Schelling and Segregation This is not merely a neat little math trick.
Rather, it has everything to do with Whiteness and racial inequality. Let us now consider the work of Thomas Schelling. Schelling won the Nobel Prize in Economics for game theory. It has been over thirty years since Schelling played with pennies and nickels on a checkerboard to show how residential segregation can result from simple pre- ferences that most people would consider benign or natural.
You still cannot have a neighborhood where Whites want to be at least three-fourths and Blacks at least one-third of the population, and have everybody be happy. The tolerance levels have to be compatible. If Whites want to be at least a two-thirds majority and Blacks want only to be at least one-fifth, then there is a range of distributions that will satisfy these conditions. The least tolerant will leave first, triggering succeeding waves of out-migration—another kind of feedback effect.
See id. XIII be in the minority among his or her immediately neighboring conversation partners—each man will be outnumbered two-to-one, as will each woman. If a guest were to expand her field by one on ei- ther side, then every person would be in a majority. Next, Schelling looked at the dynamics by which sorting occurs did the guest get assigned a seat at the dinner table, or did she make a selection based on what seats were available and who was already sitting there?
After all, there are costs associated with a guest changing her position. Unless someone is very uncomfortable, switching seats could cause a scene. Finally, he set up an elegantly simple experiment involving a checker- board and a collection of dimes and pennies. If one randomly places pennies and dimes on a checkerboard, including some vacancies, then assigns each coin an integration tolerance that corresponds to its preference of being in the majority, each coin would be unhappy unless at least four of its eight neighbors are of the same denomination.
If unhappy coins move to vacant spots that make them happier, they would end up with a neighborhood that is more segregated than any of the indi- vidual coins desires.
It is possible to arrange a perfectly balanced and integrated board, but it is a delicate balance. The moment a few of the squares are vacated, some coins become less satisfied and are prompted to move, and it sets off a chain reaction that produces segregation again. This is not about ordinary political calculations that exploit racial hatred and domination. Cellu- lar automaton rule sets are not biased.
There is no strategy devised of how to dominate the board; they do not plot. Thanks to computers, we can introduce additional complexity. We can assign a randomized range of tolerances to the pennies and dimes on our board; we can have coins moving at different speeds; we can allow our coins to move off the board entirely—and the result remains the same.
Using a computer simulation—which replicates tolerance levels that would appear to be compatible with integration people wanting to live in In fact, most people in the simulation end up living in surroundings that are more se- gregated than what they would prefer. So it turns out that a simple set of rules, replicated over the course of nu- merous independent iterations, can produce formidable complexity. Just as no alpha slime mold cell is required in order for the organism to form, no racial conspiracy or plot is required, and no racial bias beyond what many would con- sider ordinary preferences, to produce residential segregation.
Housing segrega- tion is at the root of cultural isolation, vast wealth disparities, political disem- powerment, lack of access to social services, disparate health outcomes, and unequal educational opportunities.
These conditions eventually lead to ghettos. Moreover, we did not start with a neutrally distributed checkerboard. Segre- gated residential patterns were established in American society in a historical era where public and private racial bias was unapologetic and explicit.
Flocks and Bait Balls: The Evolution of Coordination Flocking and schooling behavior is another problem that mathematicians have tried to model. Computer models that reflect this behavior most accurately are derived from a very simple set of instructions.
Each actor in the model, whether starling or anchovy, only needs to have awareness of a small number of its nearest neighbors. It must attempt to match the speed of its neighbors, and it must try to maintain a short, equal distance from its neighbors.
Using these parameters, computer simulations of flocks of birds wheel realistically through imaginary space, dividing and rejoining in response to obstacles and other dis- turbances. The greater the number of individual members beyond a certain min- imum threshold is, the greater the cohesion of the group. No leader bird is re- quired. So the flight of the flock is not choreographed, at least not by any external director, although it moves with collective precision that air traffic controllers must envy.
Well, one might argue that we often follow similar simple rules. We do pay particular at- tention to our nearest neighbors, and larger groups can form cohesive mobs. In Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. XIII itate one another, teach and learn from one another, lead and follow one anoth- er. Norms and cultures. Collective Action Problems in Biology One might think of schooling and flocking behavior as a collective action problem.
But which way should they travel? Schooling and flocking differ from the classic collective action problem40 because it is thought to benefit each individual member of the school or flock to travel closely with the group more than traveling alone in the open sea or air.
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